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===Business===
===Business===
Hong Kong businessmen had by the 1880s created a distinct cultural-historical place for the colony. They contributed to China's nation-building effort by providing financing and imports China could not secure on its own. Their success made Hong Kong a valued member of the British Empire. And by helping to write the official colonial history of Hong Kong, they were able to present themselves as an essential part of that history. Hong Kong's contributions to China's nationbuilding, including local graduates' important role in service to the Qing dynasty and the succeeding Republican governments, Hong Kong's part in the 1911 revolution and strategic position as a haven for Chinese refugees, its philanthropic and relief works, and the commercial and industrial activities of Hong Kong entrepreneurs in South China.  The Chinese business community in Hong Kong, resembled the British business communities in colonial Hong Kong and semicolonial Shanghai. Both British and Chinese businessmen were dedicated to opening markets in China, to the point at which Hong Kong Chinese were in a sense both colonized and colonizers. Both groups benefited from their connections in the British Empire, and both were dependent on its power. Members of both societies saw themselves as either long-term or permanent residents rather than as expatriates or sojourners, but they also continued to send money home to support philanthropic causes and, when necessary, to assist national war efforts. Both British and Chinese could have a number of identities: British or Chinese, imperial, national, and local. Both communities based their local identities on self-images of industriousness, entrepreneurship, and public spirit.<ref>John Carroll, "Colonialism, Nationalism, and Difference: Reassessing the Role of Hong Kong in Modern Chinese History." ''Chinese Historical Review'' 2006 13(1): 92-104. Issn: 1547-402x  </ref>  
Hong Kong businessmen had by the 1880s created a distinct cultural-historical place for the colony. They contributed to China's nation-building effort by providing financing and imports China could not secure on its own. Their success made Hong Kong a valued member of the British Empire. And by helping to write the official colonial history of Hong Kong, they were able to present themselves as an essential part of that history. Hong Kong's contributions to China's nationbuilding, including local graduates' important role in service to the Qing dynasty and the succeeding Republican governments, Hong Kong's part in the 1911 revolution and strategic position as a haven for Chinese refugees, its philanthropic and relief works, and the commercial and industrial activities of Hong Kong entrepreneurs in South China.  The Chinese business community in Hong Kong, resembled the British business communities in colonial Hong Kong and semicolonial Shanghai. Both British and Chinese businessmen were dedicated to opening markets in China, to the point at which Hong Kong Chinese were in a sense both colonized and colonizers. Both groups benefited from their connections in the British Empire, and both were dependent on its power. Members of both societies saw themselves as either long-term or permanent residents rather than as expatriates or sojourners, but they also continued to send money home to support philanthropic causes and, when necessary, to assist national war efforts. Both British and Chinese could have a number of identities: British or Chinese, imperial, national, and local. Both communities based their local identities on self-images of industriousness, entrepreneurship, and public spirit.<ref>John Carroll, "Colonialism, Nationalism, and Difference: Reassessing the Role of Hong Kong in Modern Chinese History." ''Chinese Historical Review'' 2006 13(1): 92-104. Issn: 1547-402x  </ref>  
In 1932, facing a worldwide [[Great Depression]] and higher tariffs from the United Sattes, the British Commonwealth nations at the Imperial Economic Conference decided to protect industry and agriculture in the Empire by raising tariffs and encouraging colonial entrepreneurs. Since Hong Kong was a free port with no customs duties on imports or exports, industrialization there was different than in other British colonies, where industry could only be established with the aid of protective tariffs and other government assistance and manufactured goods could only be sold in local markets. Hong Kong's industrialization rapidly expanded thanks to the new preference for goods made insidethe Empire, especially tariffs on Japanese textiles, footwear, and other goods. Chinese entrepreneurs in Hong Kong soon took over from the Japanese as the main competitors of British and dominion manufacturers in textiles and rubber footwear.<ref> Norman Miners, "Industrial Development in the Colonial Empire and the Imperial Economic Conference at Ottawa 1932." ''Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History'' 2002 30(2): 53-76. Issn: 0308-6534 </ref>
London realized it could never defend the isolated colony against Japan, but had to send forces to maintain imperial prestige. Canadian troops were sent in 1941 but they lacked training, equipment, and ammunition. The Canadians served a sacrificial role while British Commonwealth forces sought a major victory in North Africa. The colony was ruled by Japan from December, 1941 to August 1945.<ref> Andrew J. Whitfield, ''Hong Kong, Empire and the Anglo-American Alliance at War, 1941-1945.'' (2001)</ref>
The colony's strong high school and university system produced the professionals and skilled workers who contributed to the rapid economic development after 1945. The open and competitive education system also offered an important channel for upward social mobility which much weakened class consciousness. Graduates joined an English-speaking elite amd took pride in its acquaintance with the British culture. This elite was then incorporated by the British Establishment. This integration reduced potential friction between the colonial government and the local elite, who displayed far less nationalism than other colonies.  Demands for political participation emerged in the 1970s, and the colonial government vastly expanded its social service commitments. Its policy of "administrative absorption" encompassed more elites from all social strata. Its image was also improved by attempts to be a "government by consultation," while the threat of Communist China undercut demands for autonomy.  Economic development consistently raised the people's living standards and lowered their demand for political participation, and the community was even proud of not being affected by the "British disease," the symptoms of which included too much social welfare, militant trade unionism, frequent labour disputes, and a decline in economic competitiveness, as affected Britain itself in the 1970s. Radical ideologies were unattractive to the community and the Maoist factions gained little support.  After 1984 both Nritain and China promised more democracy.<ref> Joseph Y.S. Cheng, "Elections and Political Parties in Hong Kong's Political Development", ''Journal of Contemporary Asia,'' 2001, 31#3 346-374</ref>


In the 1950s, Hong Kong viewed Guangdong as its economic past: an underdeveloped hinterland of cottage industries and agriculture. Guangdong, meanwhile, looked on Hong Kong as its political past: a territory oppressed by colonialism. That is, Hong Kong leaders saw Guangdong as socialist=planned=unfree=poor. Meanwhile the Commuist leaders in Guangdong saw Hong Kong as colonial=exploitative=class stratified=dehumanizing.<ref> Seth Harter, "'Time Is Moving Forward, but We Are Moving Faster': Racing towards Modernity in Hong Kong and Guangdong, 1945-1962."  (2006). </ref>
In the 1950s, Hong Kong viewed Guangdong as its economic past: an underdeveloped hinterland of cottage industries and agriculture. Guangdong, meanwhile, looked on Hong Kong as its political past: a territory oppressed by colonialism. That is, Hong Kong leaders saw Guangdong as socialist=planned=unfree=poor. Meanwhile the Commuist leaders in Guangdong saw Hong Kong as colonial=exploitative=class stratified=dehumanizing.<ref> Seth Harter, "'Time Is Moving Forward, but We Are Moving Faster': Racing towards Modernity in Hong Kong and Guangdong, 1945-1962."  (2006). </ref>
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===1997===
===1997===
In 1997, at the end of the 99 year lease, the whole of the Hong Kong territory was returned to China. A "one country, two systems" model was adopted by China's leader [[Deng Xiaoping]] to unite Hong Kong with mainland China in 1997. This created China's first Special Administration Region, and as a result, Hong Kong is partially  autonomous with its own government and laws, distinct from that of the rest of the People's Republic.  All final decisions, however, are made by the government of China.<ref>Willy Lam, "Beijing's hand in Hong Kong politics," ''Association for Asian Research'' [http://www.asianresearch.org/articles/2153.html June 14, 2004, online]</ref>
When Britain turned Hong Kong over to China in 1997 it was the most modern colonial metropolis in the world, where robust entrepreneurship flourished under a British legal system providing a high degree of civil liberties for its citizens, but which had never set up a democratic system.  Between 1960 and 1982, Hong Kong showed the staggering average growth rate of 7.0% per year, then held at 6.7% annually to 1992. In 1995, Hong Kong's GDP per person (in parity purchasing power) was the third highest in the world.
 
In 1997, at the end of the 99 year lease, the whole of the Hong Kong territory was returned to China. A "one country, two systems" model for 50 years was promised by China's leader [[Deng Xiaoping]], and the formula was accepted by Britain. Beijing selected the Basic Law Drafting Committee in 1985, making it clear it placed top priority on the stability and prosperity of the territory and that radical political reforms would be unlikely. Of the 59 members there were 23 members from Hong Kong, most of them prominent businessmen and leading professionals. The interests of the Establishment in Hong Kong apparently were assured, as the Chinese authorities were keen to retain Hong Kong's attractiveness to investors. The Basic Law Drafting Committee favoured an "executive-led" system of government for the future HKSAR with power concentrated in the hands of the Chief Executive, rather than the weak Legislative Council.


When Britain turned Hong Kong over to China in 1997 it was the most modern colonial metropolis in the world, where robust entrepreneurship flourished under a British legal system providing a high degree of civil liberties for its citizens, but which had never jheld a democratic election.  Between 1960 and 1982, Hong Kong showed the staggering average growth rate of 7.0% per year, then held at 6.7% annually to 1992. In 1995, Hong Kong's GDP per person (in parity purchasing power) was the third highest in the world.  
The 1985 elections to the colonial Legislative Council involved representation of different interest groups; there were a mere 70,000 eligible voters, of whom only 25,000 voted.The September 1985 elections to the Legislative Council were based on the electoral college, comprising members of the District Boards, the Urban Council and the Provisional Regional Council, and the functional constituencies.[ 10] Qualified voters therefore only numbered about 70,000 and those who actually voted amounted to about 25,000.


To rule after 1997 China created its first Special Administration Region, and as a result, Hong Kong became largely autonomous with its own government and laws, distinct from that of the rest of the People's Republic.  All final decisions, however, were made by the government of China, but the influence was light-handed and "soft" before 2003.<ref>Willy Lam, "Beijing's hand in Hong Kong politics," ''Association for Asian Research'' [http://www.asianresearch.org/articles/2153.html June 14, 2004, online]</ref> 
===Democratic issues===
===Democratic issues===
On 1 July 2003, over half a million Hong Kong citizens staged a mass protest against the poor governance of the post-handover SAR government. The grievances of the marchers quickly snowballed into a widely backed movement for democracy, and another large rally was held on 1 July 2004.  The landslide support for pro-democratic candidates during the local elections held on 23 November 2003 unnerved Beijing over its possible loss of control over Hong Kong. The government of China quickly shifted from a soft-line approach that talked about virtual autonomy to a hard-line approach, attempting to dampen the local democracy movement.  Beijing banned universal suffrage for the elections of a Chief Executive in 2007 and a legislature in 2008.  There were five fundamental causes of Hong Kong's broad-based demand for full democracy. First economic uncertainly rose sharply after 1999, as the competitiveness of the Hong Kong economy slipped and the transition to a knowledge economy was hindered by stagnant rates of university attendance. Secondly, the level of economic inequality increased, along with a sense that cronyism was rampant and getting worse.  Thirdly the government deficit has soared, leading to cutbacks in government services; by 2003 the government had spent half the financial reserves left by the British, and sold land assets to cover the deficit. At a deper level citizens are anxious about their lack of voice in an authoritarian polity. The The fifth fundamental problem was the failure of the new "Principal Officials Accountability System" and the growth of popular distrust towards the non-democratic system. <ref> Ming Sing, "The Legitimacy Problem and Democratic Reform in Hong Kong." ''Journal of Contemporary China'' 2006 15(48): 517-532. Issn: 1067-0564 Fulltext: [[Ebsco]]; Christine Loh, and Richard Cullen, "Political Reform in Hong Kong: the Principal Officials Accountability System. The First Year (2002-2003)." ''Journal of Contemporary China'' 2005 14(42): 153-176. Issn: 1067-0564 Fulltext: [[Ebsco]]</ref>   
On 1 July 2003, over half a million Hong Kong citizens staged a mass protest against the poor governance of the post-handover SAR government. The grievances of the marchers quickly snowballed into a widely backed movement for democracy, and another large rally was held on 1 July 2004.  The landslide support for pro-democratic candidates during the local elections held on 23 November 2003 unnerved Beijing over its possible loss of control over Hong Kong. The government of China quickly shifted from a soft-line approach that talked about virtual autonomy to a hard-line approach, attempting to dampen the local democracy movement.  Beijing banned universal suffrage for the elections of a Chief Executive in 2007 and a legislature in 2008.  There were five fundamental causes of Hong Kong's broad-based demand for full democracy. First economic uncertainly rose sharply after 1999, as the competitiveness of the Hong Kong economy slipped and the transition to a knowledge economy was hindered by stagnant rates of university attendance. Secondly, the level of economic inequality increased, along with a sense that cronyism was rampant and getting worse.  Thirdly the government deficit has soared, leading to cutbacks in government services; by 2003 the government had spent half the financial reserves left by the British, and sold land assets to cover the deficit. At a deper level citizens are anxious about their lack of voice in an authoritarian polity. The The fifth fundamental problem was the failure of the new "Principal Officials Accountability System" and the growth of popular distrust towards the non-democratic system. <ref> Ming Sing, "The Legitimacy Problem and Democratic Reform in Hong Kong." ''Journal of Contemporary China'' 2006 15(48): 517-532. Issn: 1067-0564 Fulltext: [[Ebsco]]; Christine Loh, and Richard Cullen, "Political Reform in Hong Kong: the Principal Officials Accountability System. The First Year (2002-2003)." ''Journal of Contemporary China'' 2005 14(42): 153-176. Issn: 1067-0564 Fulltext: [[Ebsco]]</ref>   
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* Carroll, John M.  ''Edge of Empires: Chinese Elites and British Colonials in Hong Kong.'' (2005). 260 pp.  [http://www.amazon.com/Edge-Empires-Chinese-British-Colonials/dp/0674017013/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1208919325&sr=8-1excerpt and text search]
* Carroll, John M.  ''Edge of Empires: Chinese Elites and British Colonials in Hong Kong.'' (2005). 260 pp.  [http://www.amazon.com/Edge-Empires-Chinese-British-Colonials/dp/0674017013/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1208919325&sr=8-1excerpt and text search]
* Cheng, Joseph Y.S. "Elections and Political Parties in Hong Kong's Political Development", ''Journal of Contemporary Asia,'' 2001, 31#3 pp 346-374 in [[EBSCO]]
* Chu, Yingchi. ''Hong Kong Cinema: Coloniser, Motherland and Self.'' (2003) [http://www.questia.com/read/109225171?title=Hong%20Kong%20Cinema%3a%20%20Coloniser%2c%20Motherland%20and%20Self online edition]
* Chu, Yingchi. ''Hong Kong Cinema: Coloniser, Motherland and Self.'' (2003) [http://www.questia.com/read/109225171?title=Hong%20Kong%20Cinema%3a%20%20Coloniser%2c%20Motherland%20and%20Self online edition]
* Fu, Poshek and Desser, David, eds.  ''The Cinema of Hong Kong: History, Arts, Identity.'' (2000). 333 pp. 
*  Fung, Chi Ming.  ''Reluctant Heroes: Rickshaw Pullers in Hong Kong and Canton, 1874-1954.'' Hong Kong U. Press, 2005. 216 pp.   
*  Fung, Chi Ming.  ''Reluctant Heroes: Rickshaw Pullers in Hong Kong and Canton, 1874-1954.'' Hong Kong U. Press, 2005. 216 pp.   
* Harter, Seth M.  "'Time Is Moving Forward, but We Are Moving Faster': Racing towards Modernity in Hong Kong and Guangdong, 1945-1962."  PhD dissertation U. of Michigan 2006. 441 pp.  DAI 2006 67(2): 680-A. DA3208298  Fulltext: [[ProQuest Dissertations & Theses]]
* Harter, Seth M.  "'Time Is Moving Forward, but We Are Moving Faster': Racing towards Modernity in Hong Kong and Guangdong, 1945-1962."  PhD dissertation U. of Michigan 2006. 441 pp.  DAI 2006 67(2): 680-A. DA3208298  Fulltext: [[ProQuest Dissertations & Theses]]
*  Hsiang-Lin, Lo. ''Hong Kong and Western Cultures'' (1964) 346pp [http://www.questia.com/read/7693727?title=Hong%20Kong%20and%20Western%20Cultures online edition]
*  Hsiang-Lin, Lo. ''Hong Kong and Western Cultures'' (1964) 346pp [http://www.questia.com/read/7693727?title=Hong%20Kong%20and%20Western%20Cultures online edition]
* Kar, Law, and Frank Bren, ''Hong Kong Cinema: A Cross-Cultural View.'' (2004). 377 pp.   
* Kar, Law, and Frank Bren, ''Hong Kong Cinema: A Cross-Cultural View.'' (2004). 377 pp.   
* Li, Kui-Wai.  ''Capitalist Development and Economism in East Asia: The Rise of Hong Kong, Singapore, Taiwan, and South Korea.'' (2002). 300 pp. 
* Lo, Kwai-Cheung.  ''Chinese Face/Off: The Transnational Popular Culture of Hong Kong.'' (2005) 282 pp.   
* Lo, Kwai-Cheung.  ''Chinese Face/Off: The Transnational Popular Culture of Hong Kong.'' (2005) 282 pp.   
* Meyer, David R. ''Hong Kong as a Global Metropolis'' (2000) [http://www.questia.com/read/105496491?title=Hong%20Kong%20as%20a%20Global%20Metropolis online edition]
* Meyer, David R. ''Hong Kong as a Global Metropolis'' (2000) [http://www.questia.com/read/105496491?title=Hong%20Kong%20as%20a%20Global%20Metropolis online edition]
Line 64: Line 76:
* Welsh, Frank. ''A Borrowed Place: The History of Hong Kong'' (1993)
* Welsh, Frank. ''A Borrowed Place: The History of Hong Kong'' (1993)
* Wilson, Lord. "Hong Kong: Ten Years On." ''Asian Affairs'' 2007 38(3): 297-304. Issn: 0306-8374 Fulltext: [[Ebsco]]
* Wilson, Lord. "Hong Kong: Ten Years On." ''Asian Affairs'' 2007 38(3): 297-304. Issn: 0306-8374 Fulltext: [[Ebsco]]
===Primary sources====
===Primary sources===
* Tsang, Steve. ''Government and Politics: A Documentary History of Hong Kong.'' (1995), 312pp [http://www.questia.com/read/14561367?title=Government%20and%20Politics%3a%20A%20Documentary%20History%20of%20Hong%20Kong online edition]
* Tsang, Steve. ''Government and Politics: A Documentary History of Hong Kong.'' (1995), 312pp [http://www.questia.com/read/14561367?title=Government%20and%20Politics%3a%20A%20Documentary%20History%20of%20Hong%20Kong online edition]
==External links==
==External links==

Revision as of 23:56, 22 April 2008

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(CC) Photo: Derek Harkness
Hong Kong's harbour is one of the busiest in the world. It is also the scene of the world's largest permanent light show as the skyscrapers of Hong Kong city are lit every evening.

Hong Kong (香港 in Chinese; literally "fragrant harbor") is the world-famous urban center metropolitan part of the Hong Kong Special Administration Region (HKSAR), with 6.9 million people. The HKSAR is located in the south of the People's Republic of China in the Pearl River delta area of the South China Sea. The SAR consists of a number of islands and of the mainlanmajd Kowloon peninsula. Hong Kong has a single land border on its north with Guandong Province. It is only a short distance by sea to Macau, China's only other Special Administration Region.

(CC) Photo: Derek Harkness
Hong Kong is an important stop for most cruises in the East. Several cruise ships lie docked at Hong Kong's Harbour City, a large shopping mall on the Kowloon, mainland, side of Hong Kong harbour.

Hong Kong maintains its own Immigration and Custom controls and travel between the SAR and the mainland requires similar documentation, checks and procedures as travelling to a foreign country.

Language

The main language for 95% of the population is Cantonese, one of the many varieties of Chinese. It is related to but not mutually intelligible with Mandarin. Although a dialect of Mandarin forms 'standard Chinese', Cantonese has its own standard dialect, with a written form using Chinese characters. This is quite different from written Mandarin. English is also widely spoken, due to the region's prior status as a British colony. Signs in Chinese and English are commonplace. Cantonese includes vocabulary derived from English, due to extensive contact between the two languages.

Geography

Hong Kong.

History

The island of Hong Kong was taken from the Chinese, initially by the Dutch, and then by the British, during the 18th century. The opium wars between Britain and China resulted in Britain obtaining a lease to expand Hong Kong, deeper into the New Territories of the Kowloon Peninsula.

Business

Hong Kong businessmen had by the 1880s created a distinct cultural-historical place for the colony. They contributed to China's nation-building effort by providing financing and imports China could not secure on its own. Their success made Hong Kong a valued member of the British Empire. And by helping to write the official colonial history of Hong Kong, they were able to present themselves as an essential part of that history. Hong Kong's contributions to China's nationbuilding, including local graduates' important role in service to the Qing dynasty and the succeeding Republican governments, Hong Kong's part in the 1911 revolution and strategic position as a haven for Chinese refugees, its philanthropic and relief works, and the commercial and industrial activities of Hong Kong entrepreneurs in South China. The Chinese business community in Hong Kong, resembled the British business communities in colonial Hong Kong and semicolonial Shanghai. Both British and Chinese businessmen were dedicated to opening markets in China, to the point at which Hong Kong Chinese were in a sense both colonized and colonizers. Both groups benefited from their connections in the British Empire, and both were dependent on its power. Members of both societies saw themselves as either long-term or permanent residents rather than as expatriates or sojourners, but they also continued to send money home to support philanthropic causes and, when necessary, to assist national war efforts. Both British and Chinese could have a number of identities: British or Chinese, imperial, national, and local. Both communities based their local identities on self-images of industriousness, entrepreneurship, and public spirit.[1]

In 1932, facing a worldwide Great Depression and higher tariffs from the United Sattes, the British Commonwealth nations at the Imperial Economic Conference decided to protect industry and agriculture in the Empire by raising tariffs and encouraging colonial entrepreneurs. Since Hong Kong was a free port with no customs duties on imports or exports, industrialization there was different than in other British colonies, where industry could only be established with the aid of protective tariffs and other government assistance and manufactured goods could only be sold in local markets. Hong Kong's industrialization rapidly expanded thanks to the new preference for goods made insidethe Empire, especially tariffs on Japanese textiles, footwear, and other goods. Chinese entrepreneurs in Hong Kong soon took over from the Japanese as the main competitors of British and dominion manufacturers in textiles and rubber footwear.[2]

London realized it could never defend the isolated colony against Japan, but had to send forces to maintain imperial prestige. Canadian troops were sent in 1941 but they lacked training, equipment, and ammunition. The Canadians served a sacrificial role while British Commonwealth forces sought a major victory in North Africa. The colony was ruled by Japan from December, 1941 to August 1945.[3]

The colony's strong high school and university system produced the professionals and skilled workers who contributed to the rapid economic development after 1945. The open and competitive education system also offered an important channel for upward social mobility which much weakened class consciousness. Graduates joined an English-speaking elite amd took pride in its acquaintance with the British culture. This elite was then incorporated by the British Establishment. This integration reduced potential friction between the colonial government and the local elite, who displayed far less nationalism than other colonies. Demands for political participation emerged in the 1970s, and the colonial government vastly expanded its social service commitments. Its policy of "administrative absorption" encompassed more elites from all social strata. Its image was also improved by attempts to be a "government by consultation," while the threat of Communist China undercut demands for autonomy. Economic development consistently raised the people's living standards and lowered their demand for political participation, and the community was even proud of not being affected by the "British disease," the symptoms of which included too much social welfare, militant trade unionism, frequent labour disputes, and a decline in economic competitiveness, as affected Britain itself in the 1970s. Radical ideologies were unattractive to the community and the Maoist factions gained little support. After 1984 both Nritain and China promised more democracy.[4]

In the 1950s, Hong Kong viewed Guangdong as its economic past: an underdeveloped hinterland of cottage industries and agriculture. Guangdong, meanwhile, looked on Hong Kong as its political past: a territory oppressed by colonialism. That is, Hong Kong leaders saw Guangdong as socialist=planned=unfree=poor. Meanwhile the Commuist leaders in Guangdong saw Hong Kong as colonial=exploitative=class stratified=dehumanizing.[5]


1997

When Britain turned Hong Kong over to China in 1997 it was the most modern colonial metropolis in the world, where robust entrepreneurship flourished under a British legal system providing a high degree of civil liberties for its citizens, but which had never set up a democratic system. Between 1960 and 1982, Hong Kong showed the staggering average growth rate of 7.0% per year, then held at 6.7% annually to 1992. In 1995, Hong Kong's GDP per person (in parity purchasing power) was the third highest in the world.

In 1997, at the end of the 99 year lease, the whole of the Hong Kong territory was returned to China. A "one country, two systems" model for 50 years was promised by China's leader Deng Xiaoping, and the formula was accepted by Britain. Beijing selected the Basic Law Drafting Committee in 1985, making it clear it placed top priority on the stability and prosperity of the territory and that radical political reforms would be unlikely. Of the 59 members there were 23 members from Hong Kong, most of them prominent businessmen and leading professionals. The interests of the Establishment in Hong Kong apparently were assured, as the Chinese authorities were keen to retain Hong Kong's attractiveness to investors. The Basic Law Drafting Committee favoured an "executive-led" system of government for the future HKSAR with power concentrated in the hands of the Chief Executive, rather than the weak Legislative Council.

The 1985 elections to the colonial Legislative Council involved representation of different interest groups; there were a mere 70,000 eligible voters, of whom only 25,000 voted.The September 1985 elections to the Legislative Council were based on the electoral college, comprising members of the District Boards, the Urban Council and the Provisional Regional Council, and the functional constituencies.[ 10] Qualified voters therefore only numbered about 70,000 and those who actually voted amounted to about 25,000.

To rule after 1997 China created its first Special Administration Region, and as a result, Hong Kong became largely autonomous with its own government and laws, distinct from that of the rest of the People's Republic. All final decisions, however, were made by the government of China, but the influence was light-handed and "soft" before 2003.[6]

Democratic issues

On 1 July 2003, over half a million Hong Kong citizens staged a mass protest against the poor governance of the post-handover SAR government. The grievances of the marchers quickly snowballed into a widely backed movement for democracy, and another large rally was held on 1 July 2004. The landslide support for pro-democratic candidates during the local elections held on 23 November 2003 unnerved Beijing over its possible loss of control over Hong Kong. The government of China quickly shifted from a soft-line approach that talked about virtual autonomy to a hard-line approach, attempting to dampen the local democracy movement. Beijing banned universal suffrage for the elections of a Chief Executive in 2007 and a legislature in 2008. There were five fundamental causes of Hong Kong's broad-based demand for full democracy. First economic uncertainly rose sharply after 1999, as the competitiveness of the Hong Kong economy slipped and the transition to a knowledge economy was hindered by stagnant rates of university attendance. Secondly, the level of economic inequality increased, along with a sense that cronyism was rampant and getting worse. Thirdly the government deficit has soared, leading to cutbacks in government services; by 2003 the government had spent half the financial reserves left by the British, and sold land assets to cover the deficit. At a deper level citizens are anxious about their lack of voice in an authoritarian polity. The The fifth fundamental problem was the failure of the new "Principal Officials Accountability System" and the growth of popular distrust towards the non-democratic system. [7]

Further reading

  • DK. Eyewitness Top 10 Travel Guides: Hong Kong (2002) excerpt and text search
  • Reiber, Beth. Frommer's Hong Kong (2007) excerpt and text search
  • Stone, Andrew. Lonely Planet Hong Kong & Macau City Guide (2008) excerpt and text search
  • Tsang, Steve. A Modern History of Hong Kong (2007) excerpt and text search
  • Vickers, Claire. Hong Kong - Culture Smart!: a quick guide to customs and etiquette (2006) excerpt and text search
  • Welsh, Frank. A Borrowed Place: The History of Hong Kong (1993) - A very readable but extensive and well-researched history
  • Wright, Rachel. Living and Working in Hong Kong: The Complete Practical Guide to Expatriate Life in China's Gateway (2008) excerpt and text search

Bibliography

  • Carroll, John M. Edge of Empires: Chinese Elites and British Colonials in Hong Kong. (2005). 260 pp. and text search
  • Cheng, Joseph Y.S. "Elections and Political Parties in Hong Kong's Political Development", Journal of Contemporary Asia, 2001, 31#3 pp 346-374 in EBSCO
  • Chu, Yingchi. Hong Kong Cinema: Coloniser, Motherland and Self. (2003) online edition
  • Fu, Poshek and Desser, David, eds. The Cinema of Hong Kong: History, Arts, Identity. (2000). 333 pp.
  • Fung, Chi Ming. Reluctant Heroes: Rickshaw Pullers in Hong Kong and Canton, 1874-1954. Hong Kong U. Press, 2005. 216 pp.
  • Harter, Seth M. "'Time Is Moving Forward, but We Are Moving Faster': Racing towards Modernity in Hong Kong and Guangdong, 1945-1962." PhD dissertation U. of Michigan 2006. 441 pp. DAI 2006 67(2): 680-A. DA3208298 Fulltext: ProQuest Dissertations & Theses
  • Hsiang-Lin, Lo. Hong Kong and Western Cultures (1964) 346pp online edition
  • Kar, Law, and Frank Bren, Hong Kong Cinema: A Cross-Cultural View. (2004). 377 pp.
  • Li, Kui-Wai. Capitalist Development and Economism in East Asia: The Rise of Hong Kong, Singapore, Taiwan, and South Korea. (2002). 300 pp.
  • Lo, Kwai-Cheung. Chinese Face/Off: The Transnational Popular Culture of Hong Kong. (2005) 282 pp.
  • Meyer, David R. Hong Kong as a Global Metropolis (2000) online edition
  • Ngo, Tak-Wing. Hong Kong's History: State and Society under Colonial Rule (1999) online edition
  • Sweeting, Anthony. "Education in Hong Kong: Histories, Mysteries and Myths." History of Education 2007 36(1): 89-108. Issn: 0046-760x Fulltext: Ebsco
  • Sing, Ming. Hong Kong's Tortuous Democratization: A Comparative Analysis, (2004) online edition
  • Tsang, Steve. A Modern History of Hong Kong (2nd ed 2007) excerpt and text search
  • Welsh, Frank. A Borrowed Place: The History of Hong Kong (1993)
  • Wilson, Lord. "Hong Kong: Ten Years On." Asian Affairs 2007 38(3): 297-304. Issn: 0306-8374 Fulltext: Ebsco

Primary sources

  • Tsang, Steve. Government and Politics: A Documentary History of Hong Kong. (1995), 312pp online edition

External links

Notes

  1. ↑ John Carroll, "Colonialism, Nationalism, and Difference: Reassessing the Role of Hong Kong in Modern Chinese History." Chinese Historical Review 2006 13(1): 92-104. Issn: 1547-402x
  2. ↑ Norman Miners, "Industrial Development in the Colonial Empire and the Imperial Economic Conference at Ottawa 1932." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 2002 30(2): 53-76. Issn: 0308-6534
  3. ↑ Andrew J. Whitfield, Hong Kong, Empire and the Anglo-American Alliance at War, 1941-1945. (2001)
  4. ↑ Joseph Y.S. Cheng, "Elections and Political Parties in Hong Kong's Political Development", Journal of Contemporary Asia, 2001, 31#3 346-374
  5. ↑ Seth Harter, "'Time Is Moving Forward, but We Are Moving Faster': Racing towards Modernity in Hong Kong and Guangdong, 1945-1962." (2006).
  6. ↑ Willy Lam, "Beijing's hand in Hong Kong politics," Association for Asian Research June 14, 2004, online
  7. ↑ Ming Sing, "The Legitimacy Problem and Democratic Reform in Hong Kong." Journal of Contemporary China 2006 15(48): 517-532. Issn: 1067-0564 Fulltext: Ebsco; Christine Loh, and Richard Cullen, "Political Reform in Hong Kong: the Principal Officials Accountability System. The First Year (2002-2003)." Journal of Contemporary China 2005 14(42): 153-176. Issn: 1067-0564 Fulltext: Ebsco
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