Anschluß

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Following World War I, the German word Anschluss was used to denote the union of Germany and Austria (short for "Anschluß Österreichs an das Deutsche Reich", i.e. Austria joining or becoming part of Germany). This was a basic idea of the Pan-German nationalist movement, and a first attempt, in 1918, to perform it was ineffective due to the World War I peace treaties. Now the anschluss is mainly associated with 1938 when Nazi Germany incorporated Austria as the Ostmark. Austria became independent again after World War II.

First proclamation

The Anschluss of Deutschösterreich to the German republic was first proclaimed by the (provisional) Austrian national assembly (12 November 1918). This was led by Victor Adler, who was Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs under the interim government of Karl Renner. He died on 11 November, the day the war ended, and a day before the proclamation. Adler had been one of the coauthors of the 1882 Linz Program, which called for the Germanization of Austria.[1]

Anschluss was not realized because it was explicitly forbidden by the peace treaties of Versailles (28 June 1919) with Germany and of St. Germain-en-Laye (1920) (10 September 1919) with Austria.

Political pressures

In spite of this, nationalist political groups both in Austria (Anschlußbewegung) and in Germany continued to demand it. Adolf Hitler, who was born in Austria and despised the House of Hapsburg, had a strong emotional commitment to union.

There was an attempt, in the early 1930s, to create a customs union between German and Austria, to create larger markets. Nevertheless, external powers, seeing this as an attempt to circumvent the Treaty of Versailles, prevented it. [2]

The process accelerated with the Austro-German Agreement of July 1936, with a secret annex that gave additional power to the Austrian Nazis. They steadily increased subversion and terrorism throughout 1937, and Austrian police captured documents indicating they planned to stage a revolt in the spring of 1938, which could provide a pretext for German intervention. Austrian Chancellor Kurt von Schuschnigg had, in 1937, tried to get Britain to declare that it would guarantee Austria's independence. Without that, his opposition gradually weakened. [3]

Former German Chancellor Franz von Papen had been a special representative to von Schuschnigg. Von Papen revealed that one of the captured documents had called for his own killing by German agents, again as a pretext for intervention. Ironically, von Papen had escaped death in the Night of the Long Knives purge in 1934. Hans Lammers informed him, on 4 February, that he was fired, along with Constantin von Neurath and others who did not give total support to Hitler, such as War Minister Werner von Blomberg and Army Chief of Staff Werner von Fritsch. Von Papen began keeping, in Switzerland, secret copies of his correspondence with Hitler.[4] The most powerful German diplomat in Austria was not von Papen, but Wilhelm Keppler. He would become the first Reich Commissioner for Austria, shifting to Slovakia in 1939.

Von Papen, however, asked Schuschnigg, in early February, to meet Hitler.

12 February 1938 meeting

Schuschnigg visited Hitler in Berchtesgaden (12 February). Brushing aside polite comments about the view, Hitler lectured him, saying the history of Austria was "a continuous betrayal of the people...And let me tell you, Herr Schuschnigg: I am firmly determined to put an end to all of it...I have a historic mission and I am going to fulfill it because Providence has appointed me to do so...I have traveled the hardest road that ever a German had to travel, and I have accomplished the greatest things that ever a German was destined to accomplish...You certainly aren't going to believe you can delay me by as much as half an hour?" Hitler demanded that Austrian National Socialists have freedom to agitate, he had to grant an amnesty for national socialists, to appoint Arthur Seyß-Inquart as Innen-Minister (Minister for interior affairs), and that Austria's foreign and economic policy should conform to that of Germany.

He ostentatiously called for Schuschnigg to leave the room, and called Wilhelm Keitel, head of the Armed Forces High Command, into the room. After Schuschnigg left, Hitler told Keitel he had no orders for him. Not long afterwards, Schuschnigg signed an agreement, and rode back to Salzburg with von Papen.[3]

February to March 11

Schushnigg was head of government, and final authority was with President Wilhelm Miklas, the head of state. When Schuschnigg met with him on 12 February, he was willing to make some concessions, but not to put Seyss-Inquart in charge of the police and Army. He agreed, however, on February 15, including the amnesty of those convicted for killing the previous Chancellor, Engelbert Dolfuss.[5]

On 9 March, Schuschnigg announced a referendum for 13 March, that was cancelled (11 March) after a German ultimatum and the forced resignation of Schuschnigg and his government.

Hitler, on March 10, sent a note to Mussolini, describing his plans. He then issued OKW Directive No. 1 for Operation Otto:

If other measures do not succeed, I intend to march into Austria with armed forces in order to prevent further outrages against the nationalistic German population. I personally shall command the entire operation...It is to our interest that the entire operation proceed without the use of force, with our troops marching in peacefully and being hailed by the populace. Therefore every provocation is to be avoided. But if resistance is offered, it must be smashed by force of arms with greatest ruthlessness....[6]

German action and reaction

In 1938, Germany exerted heavy political and military pressure, and forced the proclaimed as Wiedervereinigung (reunion) of Austria with the Third Reich on 13 March 1938, the Anschluss of Austria, ccepted by Schuschnigg under threat of attack. German troops then entered and a new government was formed by Seyss-Inquart. Austria, now called Ostmark, became part of the German Reich.

After that the referendum held to legitimize the Anschluss was only a formality. Shirer observed the referendum itself, which recorded a 99.75% agreement in Austria, was not conducted in a fair manner. The Social Democrats and Schuschnigg's own Christian Socials did not campaign. In the voing place he viewed, it was easy to see how an individual voted. The vote was announced 30 minute after the close of voting, before the votes could have been counted. [7]

Foreign reaction

Britain filed a formal diplomatic protest, but took no other action.

Occupation

Shirer, reporting from Vienna, reported the antisemitism of the Austrian Nazis as worse than anything he had seen in Germany, characterized by looting and sadism. Reinhard Heydrich, assisted by Adolf Eichmann, set up an Office of Jewish Emigration, by which would-be emigrants could buy permission to leave. They also created Mauthausen Concentration Camp in Austria proper, to avoid the difficulty of transporting Jews to Germany.[8]

Schuschnigg had been put under house arrest from March 12 through May 28, and then taken to a hotel for the next 17 moths, where he was required to clean the guards' latrines. He and his wife were later taken to concentration camp, and were freed on 4 May 1945.

References

  1. Victor Adler, The Original Nazis
  2. Richard J. Evans (2003), The Coming of the Third Reich, Penguin, ISBN 1-59420-004-1, p. 235
  3. 3.0 3.1 Joachim Fest (1973), Hitler, Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, pp. 567-568
  4. William Shirer (1960), The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich, Simon & Schuster, pp. 322-324
  5. Shirer, p. 331
  6. Fest, pp. 568-569
  7. Shirer, p. 350
  8. Shirer, p. 351