Poland

The Republic of Poland is a Slavic nation in Central Europe.

History

Early monarchs

The first known monarch of Poland was Mieszko I of the Piast dynasty, who ruled from about 960 to 992 over a territory extending from the Oder to the Vistula rivers. Fearful of the Germanic expansion toward the east, he adopted Christianity from Bohemia and placed his lands under the protection of the Pope. He imposed his rule over Pomerania in 988 and over Moravia in 990. His son, Boleslaw I the Brave, became one of the outstanding rulers (r. 992-1025), and firmly established dominion from the Oder and the Neisse rivers to the Dnieper River and from Western Pomerania to the Carpathian Mountains. Taking advantage of the interregnum in Germany after the death of Otto III, Boleslaw had himself crowned king of Poland in 1025, refusing to recognize any German overlordship. After Boleslaw's death, however, the prestige of Poland declined while the power of the Holy Roman emperors increased. Subsequently, the rulers of Poland were recognized only as dukes.

Division of Poland

Boleslaw III (r.1102-1138) regained Pomerania, which had been temporarily lost; but upon his death Poland was divided among his sons. The oldest, WiadysiawWladyslaw II, was accorded "seniority" over his four brothers and rule over the captial, KrakówKrakow (Cracow), the central provinces, and Pomerania. Subsequently, Poland, like its contemporary neighbors Germany and Kievan Rus', ceased to be a united state. The division led to political confusion as the number of feudatories increased. These feudatories soon refused to recognize the ruler in KrakówKrakow as "lord of all Poland," and eventually the princes and the Church succeeded in greatly reducing his power.

Teutonic Knights

In 1241 the massive Mongol-Tatar invasion on horseback from the east devastated large sections of Poland. Equally ruinous were the incessant raids from the north by the pagan Lithuanians and Prussians. To protect his domains, Prince Conrad of Mazovia in 1226 brought in the Teutonic Knights, a military-religious crusading order that had previously been active in Palestine and the Mediterranean area. Soon the Teutonic Knights conquered most of what later became East Prussia from the Prussian tribes. They settled German peasants on the land and built new towns and castles. In 1308 the powerful, expansionist state created by the Teutonic Knights cut Poland's access to the Baltic Sea.

Breakdown of Central Authority

As a result of Poland's division into several principalities, the princes became increasingly dependent on the nobility and the gentry, whose support they needed for self-defense against external enemies. The decimation of the population by the Mongol-Tatars and the Lithuanians had led to an influx of German settlers, who either established themselves in cities governed under German law or received land as free peasants. By contrast, the Polish peasantry, like the peasantry throughout most of Europe at this time, became gradually enserfed and were tied to specific tracts of land.

National Revival

The reunification of the greater part of Poland was achieved by Ladislas the Short (Wiadysiaw Lokietek) of Kujavia, a region in the north-central part of the country; in 1320 he was crowned king of all Poland as Wladyslaw I. Under the successful reign of his son, Casimir III the Great (r. 1333-1370), a national revival took place as Casimir consolidated royal power, reformed the administration and judiciary, set up a currency after the Western pattern, promulgated a code of laws known as the Statutes of Wíslica (1347), improved the lot of the peasants, and allowed the Jews, fleeing persecution in Western Europe, to settle in Poland. He was unable to secure access to the Baltic and lost Silesia to Bohemia; but he gained territory, later known as East Galicia, Volhynia, and Podolia, in the east. He founded the first Polish university in Krakow in 1364. Casimir was succeeded by his nephew, Louis I of Hungary, already a leading monarch in Europe. Under King Louis (r. 1370-1382) the Polish nobles, by the Covenant of Koszyce (1374), obtained still more privileges, notably the right to pay no taxes beyond a certain sum without their consent. In return, the nobles promised the succession to one of King Louis' daughters.

Jagellonian Dynasty

After the death of King Louis, the Poles called upon his younger daughter, Jadwiga, to be their queen (r. 1384-1398). Her marriage was arranged to Jogaila (Jagello), grand duke of Lithuania, who ruled Poland as Wladyslaw II (r. 1386-1434). He adopted Christianity for himself and his people and founded one of the greatest dynasties in Europe. The large areas of Poland and Lithuania were joined into a powerful personal union. Since Lithuania had been the last pagan nation in Europe, the Teutonic Knights, formally a crusading order, now lost their reason for existence. In 1410 the Poles and the Lithuanians defeated and crippled the Teutonic Order at Grunwald (See Battle of Tannenberg). In 1413 they confirmed the union at Horodlo, and Lithuania established institutions modeled on those of Poland. Wladyslaw III (r. 1434-1444), Jogaila's successor, was killed at Varna in 1444 in a religious crusade against the Turks; he was succeeded by his brother, Casimir IV (r. 1447-1492). Casimir tried to curb the power of the nobles and the Church, but lost and was forced to confirm their privileges and the prerogatives of the parliament, which was composed of the high clergy, the nobility, and the gentry. In 1454 at Nieszawa he granted the nobles a charter regarded as their Magna Carta. His war with the Teutonic Knights from 1454 to 1466 ended in a Polish triumph, and the second Treaty of Torug, Oct. 19, 1466, returned Pomerania and Danzig Gdansk to Poland. Thus Polish access to the Baltic was restored.

The Golden Age of Poland

The 16th century was the golden age in Polish history. It was one of the largest countries in Europe, and dominated east-central Europe, including Ukraine. Its culture flourished. However, the emergence of centrally organized expanding Muscovy in the east, the process of unification and expansion of Brandenburg and Prussia in the north and west, and the still dynamic Ottoman Empire in the south represented great and growing dangers for a country whose monarchy was slowly but incessantly weakening. In 1505 at Radom, King Alexander (r. 1501-1506) had to accept the statute "Nihil Novi" by which the parliament obtained an equal voice with the crown in all executive matters and a veto in all matters concerning the nobility. The parliament consisted of two chambers--the Sejm, in which the gentry was represented, and the Senate, representing the nobility and high clergy. Poland's long and open frontiers and frequent wars meant that a trained standing army was necessary to preserve the existence of the Polish kingdom. The monarchs themselves lacked the resources needed to maintain such an army. Therefore, they had to get the approval of the parliament for any major expenditure. The nobility and gentry, however, insisted on new privileges in exchange for their contributions; thus Poland developed a sort of "gentry democracy," with the richest and most powerful nobles exercising an ever-growing influence.

Polish-Lithuanian Union

In 1525, Albert of Brandenburg, the grand master of the Teutonic Knights, was converted to Lutheranism, and King Sigismund I (r. 1506-1548) allowed him to transform the possessions of the Teutonic Order into a hereditary duchy of Prussia under Polish suzerainty. In 1522 Poland was forced to cede some Lithuanian provinces to Muscovy (later Russia). During the rule of Sigismund II Augustus (r. 1548-1572), the last of the Jagellonian kings, Kraków became one of the great European centers of humanist scholarship, Renaissance architecture and art, Polish poetry and prose, and, for a few years, of the Reformation. In 1561 Poland acquired Livonia as a fief of the crown and, more important, the Polish-Lithuanian personal union was changed to an organic and permanent union at Lublin on July 1, 1569. From then on, the same ruler was to be elected by the nobility in each country; there was to be a single Diet, a common currency and laws, and, finally, religious toleration. The last point was significant because large areas conquered in the past by the Lithuanian rulers were inhabited by Orthodox Christians. The Poles were still able to hold their own in the wars with Czar Ivan the Terrible of Russia.

The Elective Kings: Decline of the Polish State

At the time of the death of the childless Sigismund II, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, powerful by virtue of its size, was already marked by internal weakness. Before the new king, Henry of Valois (r. 1573-1574; later Henry III of France), was chosen by the stormy election Diet assembled in Warsaw, he had to consent to the so-called "Henrician Articles," or Pacta Conventa, which thereafter were to be sworn by each new monarch. The king's lost the prerogative to choose his successor; it was taken by the Sejm, composed of the nobility and the gentry. The king was also forbidden to declare war or increase taxes without the consent of the parliament. He was to be neutral in all religious matters and had to marry a wife selected for him by the Senate. A council of six senators was to remain constantly at his side to advise him. Should the king fail to observe any one of the articles, the nation was ipso facto absolved from its allegiance to him. Thus Poland changed its status from a limited monarchy to a parliamentary republic with a weak chief executive elected for life.

Reign of Stephen Báthory (1575-1586)

In a Europe of growing absolutism and in a country of long, open frontiers with aggressive neighbors ruled by centralized and militaristic governments, the Polish system harbored the seeds of disaster. Henry ruled only 13 months and then suddenly left for France, where the throne, vacant since the death of his brother Charles IX, was awaiting him. The Senate and the Sejm failed to reach agreement on the next king, and the gentry (szlachta) finally forced the election of the prince of Transylvania, Stephen Báthory (r. 1575-1586), giving him as his wife the last surviving princess of the Jagellonian dynasty. Báthory strengthened Polish dominion over Danzig, pushed Russia's Ivan the Terrible away from the Baltic, and regained Livonia, which Ivan had seized. Internally, he secured loyalty and aid from the Cossacks, runaway serfs who organized a sort of military republic on the large plains of the Ukraine, the "borderland" stretching from the southeast of Poland toward the Black Sea along the Dnieper River. Báthory augmented the privileges of the Jews, who were allowed a parliament of their own. He also reformed the judiciary, and in 1579 he founded the University of Wilno (Vilnius), which became the farthest outpost of Western European culture in the East.

Reign of Sigismund III (1587-1632)

As the Russian czardom went through its "Time of Troubles," Poland failed to capitalize on the situation. Sigismund III was an ardent Catholic, determined to win the Swedish crown and bring Sweden back to Catholicism. Subsequently, Sigismund III involved Poland in unnecessary and unpopular wars with Sweden during which the Diet refused him money and soldiers and Sweden seized Livonia and Prussia. In order to further Catholicism, the Uniate Church (acknowledging papal supremacy but following Eastern ritual and Slavonic liturgy) was created at the synod of Brest in 1596. The Uniates drew many followers away from the Orthodox Church in Poland's eastern territory. After prolonged war with Russia, Polish forces occupied Moscow in 1610. The office of czar, then vacant in Russia, was offered to Sigismund's son, Wiadysiaw. Sigismund, however, opposed his son's accession as czar. He hoped to obtain the Russian throne for himself. Two years later the Poles were driven out of Moscow and Poland lost an opportunity for a Polish-Russian union. At home Sigismund's attempts to introduce absolutism, then becoming prevalent in the rest of Europe, resulted in a rebellion of the szlachta (gentry) and the king's humiliation.

When Albert II of Prussia died in 1618, the elector of Brandenburg became hereditary ruler of the duchy of Prussia. From then on, Poland's possessions on the shores of the Baltic were bordered on both sides by two provinces of the same German state.

Internal Disintegration

During the reign of Sigismund's son Wiadysiaw IV (r. 1632-1648), the Cossacks in Ukraine revolted against Poland; wars with Russia and Turkey weakened the country; and the szlachta obtained new privileges, mainly exemption from income tax. Under Wiadysiaw's brother, John Casimir (r. 1648-1668), the Cossacks grew in power and at times were even able to defeat the Poles; the Swedes occupied much of Poland, including Warsaw, the capital; and the king, abandoned or betrayed by his subjects, had to seek temporary refuge in Silesia. As a result of the wars with Russia, Poland lost Kiev, Smolensk, and all the areas east of the Dnieper River by the Treaty of Andrusovo (1667). During John Casimir's reign, Prussia successfully renounced its formal status as a fief of Poland. Internally, the process of disintegration started. The nobles, making their own alliances with foreign powers, pursued independent policies; the rebellion of Prince Jerzy Lubomirski shook the throne; and the szlachta became blindly concerned with guarding its own "liberties." Beginning in 1652 the fatal practice of "liberum veto" was abused. This required unanimity in the Sejm and permitted even a single deputy not only to block any measure but to cause dissolution of the Sejm and submission of all measures already passed to the next Sejm. Thus foreign powers, through bribery or other means, repeatedly caused the dissolution of inconvenient sessions of the Sejm. John Casimir, a broken, disillusioned man, abdicated the Polish throne in 1668 amid internal anarchy and strife.

Foreign Intervention: Prelude to Partition

Michael Korybut Wisniowiecki (r. 1669-1673) was a passive monarch who readily played into the hands of the Hapsburgs and lost Podolia to the Turks. His successor, the gallant John III Sobieski (r. 1674-1696), rescued Vienna from the Turks (1683) but had to cede territories to Russia in return for promised aid against the Crimean Tatars and Turks. After Sobieski's death, the Polish throne was occupied for seven decades by foreigners in the persons of the German elector of Saxony, Augustus II (r. 1697-1733), and his son, Augustus III (r. 1734-1763). Augustus II virtually bought the election. In alliance with Peter the Great of Russia, he won back Podolia and western Ukraine, concluded the long series of Polish-Turkish wars by the Treaty of Karlowitz (1699), and tried unsuccessfully to regain the Baltic coast from Charles XII of Sweden. Augustus II was helpless when, in 1701, the elector of Brandenburg proclaimed himself sovereign "King in Prussia," as Frederick I and founded the aggressive, militaristic Prussian state, which was to become the nucleus of a united Germany. Augustus was forced to cede the throne from 1704 to 1709 to Stanislaw Leszczygski, who was supported by Sweden, but regained it when Peter the Great defeated Charles XII at the battle of Poltava (1709). From this time until the partitions of Poland, the policy of Russia was to exercise political control over Poland with some collaboration on the part of Austria and Prussia, powers that subsequently participated in the partitions of Poland. In 1733 the Poles, aided by the French, elected Stanislaw king for a second time, but Russian forces drove him out.

Stanislaw II: Last King of Poland

Augustus III was no more than a puppet of Russia, and under his reign more enlightened Poles realized that reforms were necessary. One faction, led by Prince Czartoryski, sought to abolish the fatal liberum veto, while the other, headed by the powerful Potocki family, opposed any limitation of the "liberties." Czartoryski's faction then entered into collaboration with the Russians, and in 1764 Catherine the Great, Empress of Russia, had Stanislaw August Poniatowski elected king of Poland (1764-1795). Poniatowski for a short time became Catherine's favorite. As Stanislaw II, Poniatowski was the last king of Poland. Russian control was fully evident under Prince Nikolai Repnin, who in 1767 forced the Diet to accept the demands for full religious toleration, political equality of dissidents, and confirmation of all ruinous "liberties," as demanded by the Russian-sponsored Confederation of Radom. This situation led in 1768 to the patriotic uprising of the Catholics, known as the Confederation of Bar, and even to war between Russia and Turkey, which feared Russia's expansionist policies.

Partitions of Poland. The First Partition

In the midst of the Russo-Turkish War of 1768-1774, the first partition of Poland was carried out by Prussia, Russia, and Austria. The actual dates were Feb. 6-17 and Aug. 5-16, 1772, but the partition was confirmed in 1773 when the Diet's consent was forcibly obtained. Poland lost its part of Prussia, except Danzig and Torug to Prussia; Red Russia, Galicia, western Podolia, and part of Kraków to Austria; and eastern Byelarus and all other lands north of the Western Dvina and east of the Dnieper to Russia. The victors set up a new constitution for truncated Poland, which retained the liberum veto and the elective monarchy and established a permanent council of 36 elected by the Diet.

The partition triggered a movement for reform and national revival. In 1773 the Jesuit Order was dissolved, and the Commission on National Education was created to reorganize the schools and colleges. The Great Sejm (1788-1792), led by the enlightened patriots Stanislaw Malachowski, Ignacy Potocki, and Hugo Kollontaj, adopted a new constitution on May 3, 1791. Poland became a hereditary monarchy with ministerial responsibility and with a parliament elected every two years. The liberum veto and other ruinous practices of the past were abolished; the towns obtained administrative and judicial autonomy as well as parliamentary representation; the peasants were placed under the protection of law; and measures aiming at the abolition of serfdom were sanctioned. A trained standing army was established. The peaceful labor of the Diet and the reforms were possible because Russia was involved in a lengthy war against Sweden and because Turkey and Prussia concluded an alliance with Poland. As soon as the new constitution was adopted, however, the opposing elements within Poland formed the Confederation of Targowica, which the king joined. As could be expected, the new confederation obtained armed support from Russia.

The Second and Third Partitions

Prussia soon ignored its peace alliance with Poland and together with Russia engaged in a second partition on Jan. 23, 1793. Prussia seized Danzig and Torug as well as Great Poland, while Russia took most of Lithuania and Byelarus and western Ukraine. The Poles fought but were defeated by the Russians, and what was left of Poland became a Russian puppet state. A vast national insurrection, which won over the peasantry by abolishing serfdom, was led in 1794 by TadeuszKosciuszko, but it eventually ended in failure. Subsequently, the third partition, in which Austria also joined, was carried out on Oct. 24, 1795, and Poland disappeared from the map of Europe. ===Foreign Rule=== The Grand Duchy of Warsaw. Although the Polish state ceased to exist, the Poles did not give up hope for the restoration of their independence. Each generation fought either by siding with the enemies of the partitioning powers or by rising in direct rebellion. As soon as Napoleon started his campaigns, Polish legions were formed in France. In 1807, after having defeated Prussia, Napoleon erected the Grand Duchy of Warsaw (1807-1815) out of territory taken by Prussia in the second and third partitions. Two years later the territories incorporated by Austria in the third partition were added. The miniature Poland, politically a French dependency, had an area of 64,000 square miles (166,000 sq km) and 4,350,000 inhabitants. It was regarded by the Poles as the beginning of their total liberation.

Russian-Dominated Areas

After Napoleon's defeat, the Congress of Vienna (1815) confirmed the partitions with the following changes: KrakówKrakow was declared a free city-republic under the protection of the three partitioning powers (1815-1848); the western part of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw was returned to Prussia and made the Grand Duchy of Poznan (1815-1846); the other part was declared a monarchy (so-called Congress Poland) and united with Russia in a personal union, with the czar serving as its constitutional king.

In November 1830 the Poles rose against Russia and were defeated. Czar Nicholas I revoked the constitution of Congress Poland and began retaliatory measures. In 1846 and 1848 the Poles attempted to organize revolts but failed. In 1863 another national uprising against Russia broke out, and after two years of mostly guerrilla warfare the Poles again lost. Subsequently, the autonomy of Congress Poland was abolished, the area was incorporated into Russia, and Russification of Polish society intensified. The situation improved somewhat after Russia's defeat by Japan in 1904-1905. Polish deputies sat in all four Russian dumas (1905-1917), working for autonomy and the liberalization of the Russian government.

Prussian-Controlled Areas

In the Prussian-dominated area, the Germanization of the former Polish territories was enforced. The farms of Polish peasants were expropriated, German colonization of the Polish areas was sponsored by the administration, and Polish schools were closed. In spite of these efforts, however, at the end of the 19th century the Poles still represented a strong, organized national group.

Austrian controlled Areas

In the Austrian territories the situation was better. After 1866 Galicia obtained administrative home rule; schools, offices, and courts were Polish; the universities of Kraków and Lwów (renamed Lemberg) became cultural centers for all Poles; and before the beginning of the 20th century Polish political parties were formed (the National Democratic, the Polish Socialist, and the Peasant parties). In all three parts of Poland, members of the middle class, workers, and peasants participated increasingly in resurgent national life. The preservation of the Polish language and culture became a crucial battle. It was led by the intellectuals, especially poets and authors, and by the lower clergy of the Catholic Church.

World War I

World War I broke the solidarity of the partitioning powers, with Russia fighting Germany and Austria. This situation opened fateful opportunities for the Poles but also created difficulties. First, the Poles had to fight in opposing camps; second, Poland became a main battlefield for the struggling powers; third, differences among political groups emerged. The conservative National Democrats, led by Roman Dmowski (1864-1939), regarded Germany as the main enemy and believed in the victory of the Allies. Their goal was the union of all Polish territories under Russian rule with autonomous status. The radical elements, led by the Polish Socialist Party, viewed Russia's defeat as a vital condition for Poland's independence. They believed that the Poles should organize their own military forces. Several years before World War I broke out Józef Pilsudski (1867-1935), a principal leader of this group, started to train Polish youth in Galicia. During the war, he formed the Polish legions and for some time fought at the side of Austria.

During World War I, the Polish cause became an international issue. On Aug. 14, 1914, Grand Duke Nicholas in an official declaration promised to unite the three parts of Poland as an autonomous state within the Russian Empire. In the autumn of 1915 most of Russian Poland fell into the hands of Germany and Austria. In November 1916 the Central Powers proclaimed the formation of the Kingdom of Poland under the protection of the Austrian and German emperors. The chief motive of the proclamation was political (to create a buffer Polish state, which would be an integral part of the German-planned Mitteleuropa), not military (to make use of the large reservoir of Polish manpower). Pilsudski, in response to the proclamation, decided to cooperate with the Central Powers because of his desire to form a separate Polish army and government, both of which were necessary for the creation of an independent Poland.

On Mar. 30, 1917, after the March revolution in Russia, the new provisional government of Prince Georgi Lvov recognized Poland's right to independence. By then the popularity of the Polish cause was strong in the West. On Jan. 22, 1917, President Woodrow Wilson spoke for a united, independent Poland. In France the Polish National Committee led by Dmowski and Ignacy (Ignace) Jan Paderewski was elected, the Polish army was formed with Józef Haller as its commander-in-chief, and by the autumn of 1917 the committee was recognized by the Allies as the official representative of the Poles. On July 22, 1917, Pilsudski was interned and his legions disbanded or arrested for refusal to swear allegiance to the emperors of Austria and Germany. The Central Powers, however, agreed to the formation of the Polish Regency Council. On Jan. 8, 1918, President Wilson in his Fourteen Points demanded an independent Poland with free access to the sea. In June, Poland was officially recognized as an Allied belligerent. On October 6, while the Central Powers were crumbling, the Regency Council in Poland announced the formation of an independent government. Soon Pilsudski was released from his internment, and on November 10 he arrived in Warsaw. The next day the Regency Council appointed him the supreme commander of all Polish forces and on November 14 resigned in his favor. By then Germany had surrendered, Austria had disintegrated, and Russia was in the throes of a revolutionary civil war.

Independence (1918-1939)

The new nation faced tremendous difficulties: War damage had been severe; the economy lacked unity, having developed under three very different empires; Poland had no currency or civil service of its own; and, above all, its frontiers were not defined. The Prussian part was still under German rule; the Bolsheviks were threatening from the east; and the frontiers with Lithuania and Czechoslovakia were disputed. The pace of reconstruction and rehabilitation was fast, however. After a transitional period with a socialist cabinet, Paderewski was appointed prime minister on Jan. 17, 1919, and Dmowski was named to head the Polish delegation at the Versailles Peace Conference. On Jan. 26, 1919, elections were held and the new Sejm (parliament) confirmed Pilsudski (1867-1935) as head of state. By January 1920, an army of 600,000 was under Pilsudski's command. The American Relief Administration, led by Herbert Hoover, supplied great quantities of clothing, food, and medicines, thus probably saving hundreds of thousands from starvation or epidemic. On Mar. 17, 1921, a democratic constitution was adopted.

In 1919 the Polish forces under Pilsudski took Galicia, Volhynia and parts of Lithuania and Belorussia from the Russians. Pilsudski then proposed an attack on Ukraine in order to establish Poland as a significant player in European affairs. In preparation agreements signed between Poland and leaders of the Soviet White army, including General Anton Denikin, in which the Whites promised to respect Poland's territorial claims in case of victory. Meanwhile Bolshevik leaders, who were looking for allies, turned to Germany. This alliance threatened Poland with being caught in a helpless position between two powerful entities. The signing of the Riga peace treaty in March 1921 closed off Pilsudski's territorial aspirations, curtailed Bolshevik geopolitical goals, and left Poland as a barrier between Germany and Russia, as opposed to being a bridge between the two. The Polish-Soviet frontiers were settled by the Poles and the Bolsheviks themselves after two years of warfare called the "Russo-Polish war."

The western frontiers were delineated by the Allies at the Versailles Conference, which assigned Poland part of Pomerania and access to the sea, declared Gdansk (Danzig) a free city in which Poland had special rights, and ordered plebiscites in East Prussia (July 11, 1920) and Silesia (Mar. 20, 1921). On the south, by the decision of the Conference of Ambassadors (July 28, 1920), Teschen was divided between Poland and Czechoslovakia, leaving approximately 140,000 Poles outside Poland, a fact strongly resented by the Poles. The bitter disputes between Poland and Lithuania over Wilno (Vilnius), ethnically Polish but historically Lithuanian, resulted in Polish occupation on Oct. 9, 1920, which was confirmed on Feb. 10, 1922, by the democratically elected regional assembly. Lithuania protested, but the Conference of Ambassadors finally recognized the status quo on Feb. 3, 1923.

Pilsudski thought of a Poland in the Jagellonian concept of a federation of Poles, Lithuanians, and Ukrainians. On Apr. 22, 1920, he concluded an agreement with the Ukrainian leader Simon Petliura and launched an offensive for the conquest of Ukraine from the Bolsheviks. On May 7, the Poles occupied Kiev but by June 8, pressed by the Bolshevik forces, they started a withdrawal. By the end of July, the Bolsheviks were approaching Warsaw; the Poles stood alone. But a Polish victory at the gates of Warsaw (Aug. 15, 1920) ended the war. The subsequent Treaty of Riga (Mar. 18, 1921) represented a territorial compromise for both sides and was formally recognized by the Conference of Ambassadors on Mar. 15, 1923.

Instability and dictatorship=

Wladyslaw Sikorski (1881-1943), as head of the Polish general staff from 1921 he encouraged Polish cooperation with France and contributed to the creation of the military and political doctrine of the "two enemies," which defined Polish policy until 1939. Elected prime minister in 1922, he tried to secure international recognition of Poland's eastern borders. Disagreement with Joseph Pilsudski over military issues forced him to resign in 1925.

During the years 1919-1926, Poland experienced political, social, and economic instability. The Sejm was highly fragmented, with a multitude of parties and programs. The ever-changing coalition governments were unstable, and the executive was generally weak. There were tensions with national minorities, which constituted one third of the population. The economy was plagued by high inflation and unemployment. On the international scene, serious dangers loomed with Germany's admission to the League of Nations and German territorial demands in violation of the Locarno treaties that both nations had signed. In May 1926 Joseph Pilsudski, the hero of national liberation in Poland, carried out a military coup, overthrowing a democratically elected government. He wanted to replace it with a coalition of representatives of all political sides; for that reason he created the Non-Party Bloc for Cooperation with the Government, which became the strongest party in the Sejm by the 1928 elections. Inasmuch as this bloc was made up primarily of his legionnaires, all important decisions of the government were thereafter strongly under Pilsudski's control. He had Ignacy Moscicki elected president. Until Moscicki's death in May 1935, Pilsudski directly or indirectly held the reins of power in a unique personal dictatorship. Pilsudski exercised power mostly through his supporters, not personally, trusted the military exclusively, and despised society at large. Ironically the very politician who had helped to create a democratic Poland started to pull down what he believed to be a faulty political system by trying to reduce the influence of parliament to a minimum and by ignoring positive solutions. The politician who had been guided in his youth by the thought of involving the people in the struggle for independence now wanted to keep them from having a say in state affairs.

The regime became increasingly authoritarian. The Communist Party was outlawed, and political trials resulting in long prison sentences were commonplace. In concession to a growing Fascist movement, anti-Semitic restrictions were introduced. On Apr. 22, 1935, a new constitution was voted that greatly increased the power of the president, curtailed the rights of the political parties, and limited the powers of the parliament. The new constitution did not gain the approval of the main political parties, and the strife between them and Pilsudski's regime continued to mark Polish political life until the outbreak of World War II.

Foreign Policy

The cornerstones of Poland's foreign policy were the alliances concluded with France on Feb. 19, 1921, and with Romania on Mar. 3, 1921, as well as support of the League of Nations. On July 25, 1932, a nonaggression pact was concluded with the Soviet Union. Shortly afterward, Colonel Józef Beck became Poland's foreign minister.

After Adolf Hitler's accession as chancellor of Germany in January 1933, Beck, on Pilsudski's instructions, suggested to France a preventive action against Nazi Germany. He did not find any favorable response; on the contrary, Great Britain and France entered into a Four-Power Pact with Germany and Italy, a step viewed as unfriendly in Poland and the countries of the Little Entente (Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, and Romania). Subsequently, Poland pursued a policy of strict neutrality between its two mutually hostile neighbors, Germany and the Soviet Union. On Jan. 26, 1934, a ten-year nonaggression pact was concluded with Germany, and soon afterward the nonaggression pact with the Soviet Union was expanded. In March 1936, at the time of the German military occupation of the Rhineland, Beck declared to the French and Belgian governments that Poland would support them if they opposed Germany. The declaration had no effect, and afterward the growing power of Germany kept Poland in check. In October 1938, following the Munich Agreement on dismemberment of Czechoslovakia, Poland occupied the Teschen district, an action that provoked criticism in many circles. In March 1939, Hitler concluded the occupation of Czechoslovakia and presented his demands on Poland. On March 31 Britain guaranteed Polish territorial integrity, and Franco-British-Soviet negotiations, aimed at checking Germany's expansions, started in Moscow. The Soviet Union secretly demanded the right to occupy eastern Poland and simultaneously entered into secret negotiations with the Nazis. On Aug. 23, 1939, the sensational and unexpected Nazi-Soviet pact of nonaggression was concluded, the secret clauses of which provided for the partition of Poland between Germany and Russia. Having secured Soviet neutrality, Hitler felt free to attack Poland on Sept. 1, 1939, thus starting World War II.

World War II. Government-in-Exile

The Poles, unaided militarily by either France or Britain (both of which declared war on Germany on Sept. 3, 1939), were unable to withstand the surprise attack of Germany's motorized armies and powerful air force. The situation became hopeless when, on September 17, Soviet troops attacked Poland from the east. Subsequently, the Polish government and the remnants of the armed forces passed into Romania, where they were interned. Before crossing the frontier, President Moscicki, in accordance with the constitution, resigned from his post in favor of Wladyslaw Raczkiewicz, the former president of the Senate. The latter, then in Paris, appointed General Wladyslaw Sikorski as premier, and the new government won prompt recognition by all countries except the Axis powers and the Soviet Union.

The new Polish army, navy, and air force, totaling 80,000 men, were formed in France. The Poles fought at the side of France until June 1940; then the Polish government went to Great Britain and there formed a new army, which eventually fought in Norway, North Africa, Italy, France, Belgium, and the Netherlands. In the Battle of Britain in 1940, Polish airmen were responsible for more than 15 percent of the German air losses. Altogether, more than 300,000 Poles served abroad in the Allied armed forces. Polish logicians had broken the German's top secret "enigma" code, and brought it to Britain, giving the Allies an enormous intelligence advantage during the war.

German Occupation

The German occupation of Poland was exceptional in its cruelty. Hitler incorporated parts of Poland into the Third Reich and transformed the remaining occupied areas into a General-Gouvernement under a German governor. All industrial and agricultural production was subordinated to German military needs. Polish high schools and universities were closed, and intellectuals were harassed and persecuted. Hundreds of thousands of people were used as slave labor in Germany or sent to concentration camps. Special savagery was reserved for the Jews. Polish Jews were initially confined in a few large closed ghettos and were forbidden to live or to work (without a special permit) outside them. Indiscriminate mass murders of Jews began immediately. When the "Final Solution" ore "Holocaust" was implemented in 1942, the Polish Jews were deported to death camps, where some three million of them were murdered. The largest and most notorious of the Nazi death camps in Poland was near Auschwitz.

The Polish people opposed the Nazi occupiers through widespread resistance, both civilian (for example, setting up an underground Polish society complete with schools and universities) and military. The military resistance was led mainly by the Home Army, which became the largest resistance movement in Nazi-occupied Europe. In April 1943, when the deportations of the Warsaw Jews to the death camps were begun, the Warsaw ghetto (350,000 Jews) rose up against the Germans. The armed uprising was led by the Jewish Fighting Organization (ZOB). After a month of desperate fighting, with no outside aid, the uprising was crushed. The Germans systematically razed the entire ghetto and deported the surviving population to the Treblinka death camp.

Polish-Soviet Agreement of July 30, 1941

After Germany attacked the Soviet Union in June 1941, the Polish government-in-exile, under strong British pressure, concluded a pact with the Soviet Union on July 30, 1941. According to this pact, diplomatic relations between Poland and the U.S.S.R. were to be restored; the Nazi-Soviet agreement concerning the partition of Poland was declared null and void; all Polish war prisoners and deportees were to be released; and an autonomous Polish army was to be formed in the Soviet Union. The Soviet government did not live up to the agreement, however. It refused to recognize the prewar Polish-Soviet boundary and released only a fraction of the Poles being held in the U.S.S.R.

In April-May 1940 about 15,000 Polish prisoners of war held by the Soviets were shot on orders from Stalin; Polish protests led Stalin in April 1943 to break diplomatic relations with the Polish government-in-exile. General Sikorski was killed in an air accident (July 4, 1943), and his successor, Stanislaw Mikolajczyk, sought in vain to reestablish diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union. Subsequently, the Soviet authorities organized the nucleus of the future Polish Communist government and army in the Soviet Union. In November-December 1943, at the Tehran Conference President Franklin D. Roosevelt and Prime Minister Winston Churchill secretly agreed with Stalin that the Curzon Line, roughly corresponding to the boundary agreed upon by the German and Soviet governments in 1939, should in the future become Poland's eastern frontier.

The Lublin Government

In January 1944 the Soviet Army crossed Poland's prewar eastern frontier in pursuit of the retreating German armies, and on July 22 the Soviet-sponsored Polish Committee of National Liberation established itself in Lublin. On Aug. 1, 1944, Polish underground forces in Warsaw led by General Tadeusz Komorowski started an uprising against the Germans. Then the Soviet Army, at that time already in the suburbs of Warsaw, stopped its offensive. After 62 days of desperate fighting, the Germans crushed the unaided uprising and almost totally destroyed Warsaw. On Jan. 5, 1945, Moscow reorganized the Lublin Committee as the provisional government of Poland.

At the Yalta Conference (Feb. 4-11, 1945) Churchill and Roosevelt formally recognized the incorporation into the Soviet Union, of the eastern part of Poland, inhabited primarily by Ukrainians and White Russians, not Poles. They agreed with Stalin that Poland should be compensated by German territory in the west. The three wartime allies agreed, moreover, that the (Communist) Lublin government should be enlarged by the addition of non-Communist members from within and outside Poland and that free elections were to be held within Poland. Subsequently, Mikolajczyk, who, on Nov. 7, 1944, resigned his post as the premier of the government-in-exile, and a few others joined the Lublin government, which, on July 5, 1945, was formally recognized by Great Britain and the United States as Poland's Provisional Government of National Unity. On the same day, recognition was withdrawn from the government-in-exile, headed at that time by a veteran Socialist leader, Tomasz Arciszewski. In August at the Potsdam Conference, it was agreed that southern East Prussia and the territories up to the Oder and Neisse rivers would be placed under Polish administration. The Soviet Union was also to give Poland 15% of its $10 billion reparation claim to be collected from Germany.

Communist Poland

With no Allied armies in Poland, except for the Soviet Army, and with the government-in-exile cut off from Poland, the Soviet Union easily secured power for the Polish Communists. Soviet military authorities arrested and murdered non-Communist leaders of the former Polish underground. Mikolajczyk, who had returned to Poland, and the members of his Polish Peasants' Party were persecuted. The Communists gradually seized control of the Polish army, police, media, and transportation network.

The first postwar parliamentary elections took place on Jan. 19, 1947. Of 444 seats in the Sejm the Communists obtained 382 and the Polish Peasants' Party 28. The Sejm then elected as president a Communist, Boleslaw Bierut, and the process of Stalinization was speeded up, with mass arrests, deportations to the Soviet Union, and persecution of members of the non-Communist World War II underground. In October, Mikolajczyk and a few other Peasant leaders fled to the West. In September 1948 Wladyslaw Gomulka, the general secretary of the (Communist) Polish Workers' Party and deputy premier, was accused of "rightist and nationalist deviation" (i.e., insufficient subordination to the Soviet Union) and forced to resign both posts. The Roman Catholic Church suffered persecution, culminating in the arrest of the primate of Poland, Stefan Cardinal Wyszynski, in September 1953. In December 1948 the Polish Workers' Party merged with the already purged Polish Socialist Party and became the Polish United Workers' Party (PZPR), with Bierut as its general secretary. Moscow forced Poland to renounce the American offers of financial aid through the Marshall Plan. In November 1949 the Polish Peasants' Party, deprived of independent leadership, was fused with the Communist-controlled peasant groups under the name of the United Peasants' Party. In the same month, Konstantin Rokossovsky, a Russian general, became Poland's minister of national defense and commander-in-chief. He was known as a tool of Stalin. On June 7, 1950, a Polish-East German agreement recognized the Oder-Neisse line as the permanent western frontier. In 1949 Poland joined the Soviet-dominated Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (COMECON). In 1955 it joined the Soviet-sponsored Warsaw Pact military alliance. Because the Polish constitution of July 22, 1952, abolished the office of president, Bierut assumed the premiership. In 1954 he resigned the post in favor of Józef Cyrankiewicz, but he remained the head of the PZPR until his death in 1956.

From 1944 to 1970 anti-Semitism was an instrument of political struggle within the ruling Communist Party, the absence of a large Jewish population being irrelevant. Anti-Semitism was associated particularly with the nationalist line of Gomulka and his allies, who when in power directed it against Jewish Communists supposedly totally subservient to Moscow. Anti-Semitism in politics was determined by the presence of Jews both in government and in opposition, with groups seeking power either condemning its presence in society and proposing themselves as the way to combat it or else promulgating anti-Zionism in order to whip up nationalist feeling.

The successful rebuilding after World War II of the nearly totally destroyed economy was followed by promotion of the Stalinist economic system. Its promoters claimed that it was necessary to accelerate economic growth and build a modern industrial base. But the traditional Soviet-type system collapsed in Poland as elsewhere and economic and political reforms were undertaken after 1956 under Gomulka's leadership. However, they were cautious, partial, and revocable and a recentralization of the economy took place during the 1960s.

Gomulka era: 1956-1970

In June 1956 some 50,000 workers joined by students demonstrated in Poznan against the Communist government and Soviet domination. Spreading discontent fueled by Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev's denunciation of Stalin and by the Hungarian revolution, led to changes in the Communist leadership. Wladyslaw Gomulka (1905-1982), isolated since 1948, was rehabilitated and elected general secretary of the PZPR in October 1956. He denounced the terror and abuses by the party, revealed mismanagement in the economic field, forced the principal spokesmen of the Stalinist era to resign, relieved Rokossovsky and other Soviet officers of their posts in the Polish armed forces, and obtained a measure of independence from the Soviet Union. The United States, with President Dwight D. Eisenhower eager to provide support for more independence from Moscow, gave wheat and farm equipment amounting to $588 million. In addition Poland was granted most favored nation trading status. The policy was continued without major changes into the 1960s.

After Gomulka's return to power in 1956, most collective farms were dissolved and the land was returned to individual farmers; limited private initiative reappeared in trade and industry; the press became freer; workers obtained a greater voice in factory management; and the government put more emphasis on the production and distribution of consumer goods. Relations with the Roman Catholic Church also improved temporarily. Although Poland still supported the Soviet Union on international issues, it obtained economic aid from the United States.

Gomulka, who remained in power 1956 to 1970, remained subject to conflicting pressures--a growing popular demand for more freedom and a strong resistance to liberalization from the Stalinist wing of the party. During the 1960s the pressures on Gomulka intensified. A reform of the courts had been carried out in 1962, and compulsory courses in Marxism-Leninism had been dropped from secondary schools and universities. However, the government also sought to restore tight discipline by increasing pressure on the peasants to join the agricultural circles, by continuing its anti-Church measures, and by maintaining restrictions on artistic and intellectual freedom. In March 1968 these restrictions provoked widespread student demonstrations. The students demanded greater freedom of speech and of the press and a relaxation of censorship. The government responded by firing officials and teachers from their jobs, arresting students and intellectuals, and launching a massive "anti-Zionist" and "anti-revisionist" campaign that led most of the remaining Polish Jews and many intellectuals to emigrate. Poland opposed Czechoslovakia's democratic reforms during 1968 and took part in the invasion of that country by the Soviet Union and its allies in August 1968.

In December 1970 the Gomulka regime announced price rises for food and other basic commodities and introduced a new system of wage payments based on factory efficiency. Workers reacted violently. Riots, centered around the port cities of Gdansk, Gdynia, and Szczecin, were crushed by the army, leaving at least 70 workers dead and more than 1,000 injured. Gomulka was forced to resign as Communist party chief and was replaced by Edward Gierek, party leader in the important coal-mining region of Silesia. Premier Józef Cyrankiewicz also resigned and was shifted to the largely ceremonial post of president.

The Gierek Regime

Gierek attempted to mollify the workers by repudiating the food price increases and the incentive wage system. He introduced a new five-year plan that put more emphasis than previous plans on housing and other consumer goods. Peasants were mollified by the abolition of compulsory delivery of agricultural produce to the state. Relations were normalized with the Church. Gierek also launched a program of industrial expansion, which was financed largely by loans from the West.

By the mid-1970s, however, meeting the payments on these Western loans was extremely burdensome. In 1976, therefore, the government sought to increase export earnings by cutting back on food subsidies. But strikes and demonstrations again made the government back down. After a new wave of violent protest due to the deterioration of wages and standards of living, the new Party leader Gierek tried to hit two targets at the same time: to increase the standard of living of the population and modernize industry. But once more it was a failure and a new reform project was completed and published in July 1981. This economic reform was officially started at the beginning of 1982 under conditions of deep economic and political crisis.

Indignation over mass arrests and harassment of the strikers and their families led to the formation of the Committee for the Defense of Workers (KOR), composed of some of Poland's best-known oppositionists and intellectuals. In 1978, KOR transformed itself into the Committee for Social Self-defense (KSS), thus becoming the first nucleus of an organized opposition in Poland.

Still another attempt to raise food prices, in July 1980, led to the greatest upheaval of all. Hundreds of thousands of workers went on strike, first in the Baltic cities of Gdansk, Gdynia, and Szczecin and then in Silesia and other areas. The workers set up strike committees headed by an inter-factory strike committee. The inter-factory committee, led by Lech Walesa (1943- ), Anna Walentynowicz, and Andrzej Gwiazda, advanced a list of 22 economic and political demands, including not only higher wages and cheap food but also the right to form independent trade unions, the right to strike, and a loosening of censorship. They did not yet, however, challenge Communist political supremacy or the Warsaw Pact. The government negotiated with the workers and eventually agreed to most of their demands, including the right to strike and the right to form independent unions. Meanwhile, Premier Edward Babiuch resigned and was replaced by Józef Pinkowski. A few days after the settlement, Gierek himself resigned and was succeeded as party chief by Stanislaw Kania.

In 1987, a more radical reform movement started again which had three major components: reorganization of the central economic bureaucracy and limitation of its formal and informal powers; an opening of new possibilities for individual entrepreneurship, including joint ventures with foreign capital; and an increase of the role of monetary categories.

Solidarity in opposition

With the right to independent trade unionism affirmed, workers flocked from the old government-controlled unions into a new independent union federation, Solidarity, which soon had 10 million members. Pressed by rank-and-file militants, Solidarity fast became a source of political as well as economic demands. The Solidarity demands were increasingly bold, and strikes were frequent, though the union's top leaders, headed by Lech Walesa, and the Church tried to discourage actions that might provoke the Soviet Union to intervene in Poland.

Thus the crisis intensified. Meanwhile, agricultural and industrial production, already inadequate, became more so during 1981, and food shortages became catastrophic. The PZPR took steps to democratize itself at an extraordinary congress in July 1981, but the conflict between the regime and Solidarity heightened nonetheless. Discussions with Solidarity focused on the union's proposal that workers be given the right to manage the enterprises in which they worked. The party resisted the scheme, which would have ended its appointment of managers, a major source of patronage. In September, at its national congress, Solidarity issued a startling appeal to all the workers of Eastern Europe to form free trade unions. The congress was followed by a fresh wave of strikes, along with mounting food shortages. The police repressed some dissidents and union militants, but the party's confidence in Kania's ability to restore order and production waned, and on October 18 he was replaced by General Wojciech Jaruzelski, the commander of the Polish armed forces. In December Solidarity called for a referendum on Communist rule and on Poland's ties to the Soviet Union. In response, on December 13, Jaruzelski imposed martial law, supplanting civilian authorities with a military council of national salvation and detaining all the major Solidarity leaders and other oppositionists. Strikes and sit-ins broke out in factories, mines, shipyards, and universities, but most were broken up by the police and internal security forces. The government stated that it did not intend to revoke the reforms instituted in 1980, but, when Solidarity leaders refused to compromise, it enacted a new labor law in October 1982 abolishing Solidarity and providing for its replacement by smaller, government-controlled unions. Over the following months it released most of the detainees, and in July 1983, after a visit to Poland by Pope John Paul II, it officially ended martial law. Strong pressure from the Solidarity underground and international public opinion forced Jaruzelski to proclaim an amnesty in 1984. The crisis, however, was not resolved. Although the paralyzing strikes had been put down and the threat to Communist rule contained, support for Solidarity remained widespread.

The lowest point of the economic recession was reached in 1982, and by 1983 industrial and agricultural production had begun a slow recovery. However, government plans to decentralize the economy and encourage enterprises to operate less inefficiently were largely blocked by resistance from the bureaucracy and from the new trade unions. In consequence, food price subsidies and uneconomic investment projects inherited from the 1970s continued to be financed by budget deficits, fueling an ongoing wage-price spiral--from 1980 to 1987 the official index of consumer prices went up by 500 percent, while average wages rose only by 400 percent.

Meanwhile, the government was unwilling to resort either to effective political repression or to liberalization. Solidarity, though much reduced in membership, continued to function illegally, a wide range of unlicensed newspapers and magazines was published with impunity, and the Catholic Church was treated almost deferentially. In 1987 Jaruzelski established the Social Consultative Council, which sought to co-opt institutions such as the Catholic Church to broaden support for the state's sociopolitical aims and appease Western critics. The Vatican was the first to suggest the idea of roundtable talks in January 1987. Over the course of the next two years, Solidarity leader Walesa and Jaruzelski gradually softened their positions with respect to reform. Pressured by student protests and a wave of strikes in mid-1988, the Party agreed to talks with the opposition. This concession basically equaled de facto legal recognition of Solidarity and opened the floodgates of political reform.

By the summer of 1988 the slow inflationary squeeze on living standards had so aggravated the working class, especially the younger workers, that a new strike wave broke out in factories, shipyards, and the economically vital coalfields. The government had to call on Lech Walesa to get the strikers back to work--in return for promises of liberalization and the legalization of Solidarity. By the spring of 1989 a series of roundtable discussions had worked out an agreement between the government and Solidarity. The constitution was reformed to set up a strong presidency and a new two-chamber legislature; in the first elections all members of the upper house, the senate, would be freely elected but Solidarity would refrain from contesting 65 percent of the seats in the more powerful lower house, leaving the majority to a PZPR-dominated "national list."

1989 Elections and the Second Republic.

The elections on June 4, 1989, were an overwhelming victory for Solidarity, whose candidates won virtually all the seats they contested, while their rivals failed to get majorities and had to be elected, by default, in a second round. The new legislature elected Jaruzelski to the presidency, but when it came to setting up a government the PZPR's previously subservient allies, the Peasants' and Democratic parties, balked at backing a Communist as prime minister. On Aug. 24, 1989, after lengthy maneuverings, the legislature chose a Roman Catholic Solidarity leader, Tadeusz Mazowiecki, to head a Solidarity-dominated national unity government.

In 1990, the new government imposed a "shock therapy" program of economic reforms. Subsidies were cut, state enterprises were put up for sale, credit and wages were tightened, and most import restrictions were dropped. Output and wages fell, but inflation was slowed and more goods were available.

A grouping within Solidarity headed by Lech Walesa, however, continued to press for a speedier political transformation. In July 1990 Mazowiecki ousted all former Communists from his cabinet, and in October Jaruzelski resigned. In the ensuing presidential election campaign the rift within Solidarity came to the surface. Walesa attacked Mazowiecki, accusing his government of indecision and lack of determination in carrying out the de-Communization of Poland, and announced his candidacy for the post of president. Mazowiecki announced his own candidacy. Solidarity then split into several political parties, including the Democratic Union, led by Mazowiecki; the Liberal Democratic Congress, led by Jan Krzysztof Bielecki; the Center Alliance, led by the Kaczynski brothers; the Union of Labor, representing the left wing of Solidarity; and the Christian National Union. In the presidential election in December 1989, Walesa came in first and an independent candidate, Stanislaw Tyminski, came in second on the first ballot. Walesa was elected president in the second round.

Parliamentary elections held in October 1991 returned a highly fragmented Sejm. The split within Solidarity favored the former Communists, organized in the Alliance of the Democratic Left, which placed second, after the Democratic Union. A series of unstable coalition governments ensued. In the fall of 1992 the Democratic Union formed a coalition government that included the clericalist Christian National Union. Issues that divided the political parties included the modalities and pace of privatization, the right to choose abortion, and de-Communization. After 1989 the Sejm passed a number of laws demanded by the Catholic Church. These included a law requiring the teaching of religion in the public schools, a law that virtually prohibited abortion, and a law requiring respect for "Christian values" by radio and television broadcasters.

In 1992 the economy began to pick up, but unemployment continued to rise and real income fell. Dissatisfaction with economic conditions and resentment at the Catholic Church's interference in politics mounted. Walesa lacked appreciation of the need for political bargaining and compromise and failed to build a political base. He continued his pre-1989 strategy of confrontation, both with parliament and with the government. His system-building initiatives were unconvincing and his influence on subsequent institutional developments was largely negative. Walesa's grandiose prediction of revitalizing the weak Polish economy within a year, extravagant spending habits, and associations with corrupt and disreputable politicians ultimately destroyed his presidency. Poles were disillusioned by the boorish and incoherent Walesa.

In parliamentary elections held in September 1993, the Alliance of the Democratic Left finished first, winning 173 seats. The Peasants' Party won 128 seats; the Democratic Union, 69 seats; and the Union of Labor, 42 seats. The right-wing nationalist and clericalist parties did not win any seats. A left coalition government was formed. In the presidential election held in November 1995, Aleksander Kwasniewski, the candidate of the Alliance of the Democratic Left, came in first and Walesa came in second on the first ballot, thus ending Walesa's political career. Kwasniewski was elected president in the second round. Kwasniewski, a sophisticated ex-Communist, benefited from his considerable political experience and solid political backing to carve out a self-conscious, overt, and productive system-shaping role. The reduction in formal presidential powers in 1997 did not reduce the capacity of the president to influence the polity.

The Polish experience of coming to terms with its Communist past comprised legislative steps (transitional justice), public debate, a new historiography, the substitution of symbols, and the people's attitude toward the former regime. Transitional legislation produced trials aimed at punishing those responsible for Communist acts of repression. Despite efforts to achieve "revolutionary justice," the result of the legislative continuity with the former regime and the negotiated transfer of power resulted in relatively little persecution of political criminals. "Fights for the files" of the Communist secret police had an adverse effect on Polish politics until the mid-1990s and did not end until the introduction of a frequently amended act on screening in 1999. There was a highly divisive public debate about the Communist past in which one side unconditionally condemned Communist Poland as a totalitarian state of terror, governed by a foreign (Soviet) power that destroyed the natural composition of society and the operation of the economy. The other side emphasized the successes of the Polish People's Republic in areas such as modernization, economic development, education, and social security. Most participants in the debate, including important figures such as Adam Michnik, have moved between these two polar extremes; the public generally ignores the debate as irrelevant. Polish historiography has recently focused on political topics such as repression and antiregime opposition, while ignoring other dimensions of history. An attendant feature of this trend is "documentomania," which tends to ignore analysis and commentary. De-Communization of the public space occurred thoroughly in Poland, with the changing of street names and other symbols. Public opinion polls conducted by sociologists reveal that the public maintains a rather ambivalent attitude to the period of Communist rule in Poland, and that Poles essentially judge the historical role of Solidarity and Lech Walesa positively.

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External Sources

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